What happens now in Italy?
It will therefore be understood only from the parliamentary dynamics whether the right-wing government, led by a candidate for the post-fascist Prime Minister, will have the road paved to build a "third Republic" closer to the model of Hungarian democracies, Polish or Serbian, which will pursue populist nationalism, the compression of civil rights, the dismantling of the Italian and European institutional structure as priority objectives. To the delight of the Kremlin and of all those who in recent years have bet - and therefore invested - heavily on the crisis of liberal democracies and are now passing to cash, with the non-secondary benefit of being able to manage their own internal and international affairs without nosy always on issues such as minorities, citizenship rights, war aggressions. The nationalist international holds his hand, and from today one of those hands is painted with the Italian tricolor.
Anti-fascism as a constituent value of the Italian institutional system, father and son at the same time, goes into the attic of the Liberation. It is a passage that we would have imagined more traumatic and suffered and which instead took place on a rainy weekend in September, in a sinister but mediocre farewell to our history and our blood shed to allow us that same vow with which we humiliated him. Not so much the 26% who voted for a party with the flame of the Social Movement in the symbol send it to us, as much as 36% of those who preferred to stay at home, believing that after all the stakes were not worth a jolt from their own swampy cynicism value.
Best wishes to them too, to all of them, because sooner or later it's up to anyone to become a minority of someone or something. The mortifications of a Parliament with this majority and a government that is an amplified expression of it given the size of Lega and Forza Italia will sooner or later affect everyone. Even the most convinced, even the white cisgender males, even those who think that they can only gain: those without "deviance" cast the first stone. We will soon notice it in the hospital wards, in the municipal offices, around our cities where nostalgics and reactionaries of all kinds will now have one more reason to raise their voices, entering the lives of others with a straight leg.
On the other front, the oppositions appear in Parliament (for now) divided and above all with completely different dynamics to govern the movements of the coming months: the Democratic Party comes out of the polls with the minimum wage - which given the climate was not so obvious - but below the symbolic threshold of 20%, collecting 5.2 million votes. At the 2008 policies there were 12 million, the following year at the European 8, then in 2013 at the policies of 8.6 million, again 11 at the triumphant Renzian Europeans of 2014 and finally 6 million at both the policies of 2018 and the Europeans of the following year. . The popular thud is strong and, if largely attributable to the aforementioned stomach ache and third-centrist plunder, it pays for the ambiguities of the yellow-red governments and the inability to make room for new ideas and faces, to speak with clear voice and clear tones on the issues that draw - or should draw - a renewed electoral perimeter.
But the Democratic Party is paying for the historic desertification of the center-left camp. It is always up to the dem to pull the wagon of that area, where there are no "junior partners" worthy of the name: not a large German or French-style green party, not a liberal formation (the Calenda-Renzi cartel is not, and however he tore up every agreement 48 hours after signing it), not a radical opinion formation that manages to overcome the quagmire of 3% on battles that, incredibly, instead collect the support of most of the Italians. The problem on the left is not just the Democratic Party: it is that on the left of the Democratic Party there is nothing, or nothing politically attractive that pushes it to change, and this is felt in the elections, especially with a law that obliges coalitions. On his right, instead, are Calenda and Renzi, so clever as to take home fewer seats than perhaps they would have obtained inside the center-left camp.
No, indeed. For many there is the 5 Star Movement, which while halving the votes of the sensational 2018 succeeds in the surreal enterprise of appearing the winner of an election in which, really like a spell (with the help of citizenship income), Giuseppe Conte - the premier of security decrees and governments with anyone - he managed to be forgiven for practically everything. Simple work: it has shielded itself from that benefit with which many have emerged from the poverty line, many others perceive by working illegally, some exploit unduly and that does not work because it does not link a clear citizenship pact to the subsidy: there is the right but there is no duty. But the 5 Star Movement is not center-left, even if it wears a fake beard and mustache according to the short seasons it passes through: it is a container of indifference and assistance that shine with different shades depending on the air that blows and with which it will be difficult to find yourself in classroom. But at least Conte understood that some election campaign had to be done. Others don't even seem to have realized it had begun.
